Since the ascension of the Prabowo Subianto presidency, the valiant people of Indonesia have resisted and pushed back on Prabowo’s authoritarian designs. Prabowo Subianto was the son-in-law of the hated Suharto, the dictator of the New Order period. During the New Order, Prabowo orchestrated massacres in occupied Timor-Leste and oversaw the forced disappearance of democratic activists. He rose to the presidency in an electoral campaign making use of fake news, AI-generated images, and authoritarian nostalgia.
It is theorized that the period of Indonesian democratization known as the Reformasi (reformation) has ended and that a new period of militarization and dictatorship has arisen known as the Neo-Orba (the new New Order), a civil-military dictatorship.1 This Neo-Orba is part of a global trend of democratic backsliding or autocratization.
Amidst this authoritarian consolidation saw anarchists organize and coordinate efforts, one of which is the Perhimpunan Merdeka (freedom association).2 Anarchism is the largest far-left (and post-left) tendency in Indonesia, comprising of nihilists, insurrectionaries, syndicalists, democratic confederalists, and especifistas. The symbols of anarchism like the black-and-red bisected flag and the circle-A has been embraced by many non-anarchists (including Marxists) as symbols of rebellion, especially in the context of the official criminalization of communism following the Indonesian genocide in 1965–66. However, recent years have also seen specifically anti-anarchist repression in 2020 following the militant organizing of the PPAS (Persaudaraan Pekerja Anarko-Sindikalis or the anarcho-syndicalist workers comradeship) and direct action. Security forces in Indonesia repressed the PPAS and attempted to frame unaffiliated individuals and militants with the PPAS.3
The Indonesia Gelap (dark Indonesia) movement started in early 2025 had never fully demobilized. Corruption scandals in the Indonesian government saw mobilization from progressive and left forces throughout the year, leading up to almost routine protests in the middle of August. When Affan Kurniawan, a motorcycle delivery driver, was brutally murdered by security forces as the police ran him over in an armored car while he was working. His comrades in delivery rider associations and in tandem with citizens outraged at such brazen murder rose up in revolt.
The insurrection saw the burning of many government buildings and the looting of politicians’ mansions. In early September 2025, Prabowo took a hard stand against anarchism, ordering security forces to ruthlessly hunt down “anarchists,” whether self-identified or not.4 This “black scare” mimics many features with the Indonesian genocide of 1965–66 that saw the massacre of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) and their mass bases, the methodology of which is sometimes known as the “Jakarta Method” from the book by the same name.
To support the struggle in Indonesia, our comrades request that solidarity actions be conducted at Indonesian embassies and consulates. Donations may also be sent to a verified and trusted organization, the Serikat Tahanan (prisoner’s union), an inter-correctional prisoner union organized by comrades (press Donasi for donations).5
Interview with Comrades
The following interview was conducted by an international milieu of anarchist publishers with anarchist comrades active in the August–September 2025 insurrections in Indonesia. Many of these questions were written during the insurrectionary episodes.
1. What is the latest situation with the protests and repression? We understand it has been going on in multiple cities. Has the government tried to shut down the internet or other communications ?
Jungkir: Untuk meredam pemberontakan, pemerintah telah melakukan manipulasi cuaca dengan membuat hujan buatan. Kami juga serentak mengalami gangguan di media sosial dan curiga bahwa pemerintah mengintervensi Meta. Tidak ada pemadaman listrik, kecuali gangguan signal di lokasi demonstrasi. Telah ada nyaris selusin korban tewas sipil, 4 diantaranya mati saat gedung DPR terbakar sementara 6 lagi akibat kekerasan polisi, seperti terlindas kendaraan lapis baja, pukulan polisi dan gas air mata. Kali ini berbeda dengan gelombang pemberontakan sebelumnya, karena sangat keras dan menelan korban jiwa lebih banyak. Inisiatif demonstrasi tidak lagi muncul dari konsolidasi organisasi formal seperti mahasiswa dan serikat buruh, tapi muncul secara organik dari rakyat umum itu sendiri. Ini suatu kemajuan. Dulu, rakyat agak susah ikut aksi karena mereka dicurigai bukan mahasiswa sebab mereka tidak memakai almamater. Selain itu, dukungan untuk aksi kekerasan meningkat, sementara dulu kami para anarkis selalu menjadi kambing hitam dan disalahkan masyarakat, pers dan pemerintah.
Protes mengalami deeskalasi sejak 3 September 2025, karena seruan dari sekumpulan Influencer liberal yang berpendapat bahwa demonstrasi kekerasan adalah rekayasa pemerintah untuk menuju kepada darurat militer. Bagi kami ini adalah analisis yang bermasalah, keliru dan overthinking. Pemerintahan akan sangat dirugikan secara politik dan ekonomi dengan pemberlakuan darurat militer, jadi ini opsi yang sangat mereka hindari. Tapi seruan untuk berhenti aksi nampaknya sangat berpengaruh karena seruan aksi di berbagai daerah di tentang oleh para follower mereka.
Jungkir: To suppress the rebellion, the government manipulated the weather by causing artificial rain.6 We also experienced simultaneous disruptions on social media and suspected government interference with Meta. There were no power outages, only signal disruptions at the demonstration site. Nearly a dozen civilians have died, four when the House of Representatives (DPR) building burned down, and six others due to police violence, such as being run over by armored vehicles, police beatings, and tear gas. This wave, unlike previous ones, was very violent and claimed far more lives. The initiative for the demonstrations no longer came from the consolidation of formal organizations like student organizations and labor unions, but instead emerged organically from the general public. This is progress. In the past, it had been difficult for ordinary people to participate in demonstrations because they were suspected of not being part of an official labor organization or student body if they were not wearing alma mater jackets. Furthermore, support for violent actions has increased, whereas in the past, we anarchists were always scapegoated and blamed by society, the press, and the government.
The protests de-escalated on September 3, 2025, due to calls from a group of liberal influencers who argued that the violent demonstrations were a government plot to pave the way for martial law. We believe this analysis is problematic, flawed, and overthinking. The government would suffer significant political and economic losses from the imposition of martial law, so it was an option they were desperate to avoid. However, the calls to halt the protests proved to be very influential, as their followers opposed calls for action in various regions.
Kimmy: Sepanjang 25–28 Agustus 2025 demonstrasi terjadi di 107 Titik 32 Provinsi. Pasca kematian seorang driver ojek online pada 28 Agustus, protes menjadi semakin tereskalasi. Kota-kota kecil yang selama ini nyaris tidak terekspose aksi-aksi protes misal Tolak Omnibus Law atau Indonesia Gelap seperti di Pekalongan, Blitar, Tasikmalaya, Jambi, Palembang, Palopo, dll (juga mulai melakukan mobilisasi).
Pemerintah mencoba melakukan banyak represi dan pembatasan terhadap jaringan internet maupun listrik secara umum. Banyak big tech dengan mudahnya tunduk pada perintah negara dan ini semakin memperkuat analisa kita selama ini bahwa korporasi bukan rekan perjuangan, tak peduli seberapa sering mereka mengatakan tentang free speechs. Tiktok, salah satu sosial media paling banyak digunakan di Indonesia menghapus fitur Live yang selama ini digunakan oleh masyarakat untuk menayangkan secara langsung demonstrasi atau yang biasa disebut citizen journalism sekaligus menghubungkan banyak titik api. Pemerintah menyatakan bahwa Tiktok secara sukarela menghapus fitur live karena dianggap menayangkan kekerasan. Lucunya, per 2 September 2025, fitur live Tiktok dimunculkan kembali, tepat di momen dimana eskalasi demonstrasi sudah menurun.
Di beberapaa titik dimana eskalasi demonstarsi berubah menjadi perang kota asimetris seperti di Kwitang (Jakarta) dan Bandung, pemerintah melakukan pemadaman listrik dan jaringan internet secara total. Represi digital juga terjadi terhadap kawan-kawan anarkis maupun masyarakat sipil yang dianggap sebagai provokator aksi. Serangan ini berupa doxing, pelecehan dan ancaman daring, hingga pembobolan akun.
Kimmy: Demonstrations took place in 107 locations across 32 provinces from August 25–28, 2025. Following the death of an online motorcycle taxi driver on August 28, the protests escalated. Smaller cities that have so far been almost unexposed to protest actions like “Tolak Omnibus Law” or “Indonesia Gelap,” such as Pekalongan, Blitar, Tasikmalaya, Jambi, Palembang, Palopo, etc., have also begun to mobilize.
The government has attempted numerous repressions and restrictions on internet and electricity networks in general. Many big tech companies readily comply with state orders, further reinforcing our long-standing analysis that corporations are not partners in the struggle, no matter how often they claim to advocate free speech. TikTok, one of the most widely used social media platforms in Indonesia, removed its Live feature, previously used by the public to broadcast demonstrations in real time, also known as citizen journalism, while connecting multiple points of resistance. The government claimed that TikTok voluntarily removed the Live feature because it was considered to be broadcasting violence. Ironically, as of September 2, 2025, TikTok re-enabled the Live feature, just at the moment when the escalation of demonstrations had already declined.
At several points where the escalation of demonstrations turned into asymmetric urban warfare, such as in Kwitang (Jakarta) and Bandung, the government carried out total blackouts of electricity and internet networks. Digital repression also targeted anarchist comrades as well as civilians who were labeled as provocateurs of the actions. These attacks took the form of doxxing, online harassment and threats, and even (social media) account breaches.
2. Mainstream media reports that the riots were triggered by the killing of a driver, but are there deeper social problems in the background? What are the root causes of the eruption?
Jungkir: Riwayat pemberontakan selama setengah dekade terakhir terlalu banyak untuk diuraikan tetapi saat ini kembali memuncak akibat sejumlah hal. Pertama, pemerintah menaikkan pajak besar-besaran. Kedua, anggota parlemen menikmati kenaikan upah besar-besaran di saat Presiden mengusulkan efisiensi. Ketiga, pernyataan publik dari Presiden, Menteri Keuangan, anggota DPR hingga bupati yang kasar, tidak sensitif dan memprovokasi. Hal ini memancing sejumlah demonstrasi di beberapa kota, dimulai dari Pati, Bone dan meledak di ibukota Jakarta akibat seorang kurir online tewas terlindas oleh kendaraan polisi. Keesokan harinya, pemberontakan meledak secara spontan di banyak kota dan menyasar pos polisi, kantor polisi, kantor DPR, dan hari ini Sabtu, 30 September 2025, juga menjalar ke rumah pribadi anggota DPR dan kantor partai politik.
Jungkir: The history of uprisings over the past half decade is too vast to fully recount, but at present it has flared up again due to several factors. First, the government imposed massive tax hikes. Second, members of parliament enjoyed a significant salary increase at the same time the President was calling for austerity policy. Third, public statements from the President, the Minister of Finance, members of parliament, and even regional leaders have been harsh, insensitive, and provocative. These factors sparked demonstrations in several cities, beginning in Pati and Bone, and then erupting in the capital, Jakarta, after an online courier was run over and killed by a police vehicle. The following day, the uprisings spontaneously spread to many cities, targeting police posts, police stations, and parliament offices, and today, Saturday, September 30, 2025, they have also extended to the private homes of parliament members and political party offices.
Kimmy: Media borjuis berusaha menutupi bahwa protes massal ini dengan memframmingya sebagai hanya sekedar karena kekerasan polisi yang mengakibatkan terbunuhnya seorang driver gojek yang masih sangat muda. Bahkan protes agustus ini dimulai karena sebab yang sangat berbeda. Semua dimulai dari rencana DPR RI untuk menaikan gaji dan tunjangan mereka yang sebenarnya sudah sangat besar, di tengah gelombang PHK, runtuhnya pasar kerja, dan harga kebutuhan hidup yang semakin tak terjangkau, rakyat justru dipaksa menonton arogansi elit. Baru-baru ini DPR bahkan menaikkan tunjangan perumahan hingga hampir 10 kali lipat dari upah minimum, sementara lebih dari 150 juta rakyat Indonesia bekerja dengan pendapatan di bawah UMR. Subsidi untuk rakyat dipangkas, sementara dana terus digelontorkan untuk pejabat, militer, dan aparatus represif.
Ketidakpekaan pejabat Indonesia menjadi katalisator kemarahan rakyat yang selama ini hidup dalam krisis. Di saat jutaan orang kehilangan pekerjaan, harga kebutuhan pokok yang terus meroket, mereka justru mengungkapkan pernyataan-pernyataan tidak rasional seperti menganggap rakyat tolol karena protes, menganggap anggota DPR layak mendapat gaji tinggi karena mereka bukan rakyat jelata, dll. Kemarahan rakyat hari ini adalah puncak dari kekecewaan mendalam terhadap penguasa bukan hanya dalam persoalan ekonomi, tapi juga krisis legitimasi politik yang diperparah oleh arogansi pejabat publik yang menganggap rakyat sebagai beban dan komoditas suara. ]
Kimmy: The bourgeois media is attempting to obscure the fact that these mass protests are being framed merely as a reaction to police violence that led to the death of a very young Gojek (motorcycle taxi) driver. In reality, the August protests began for very different reasons. It all started with the plan of the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR RI) to raise their already exorbitant salaries and allowances, at a time when waves of layoffs, the collapse of the labor market, and skyrocketing living costs have made survival increasingly difficult. Instead, the people were forced to witness the arrogance of the elite. Recently, parliament even increased their housing allowance to nearly ten times the minimum wage, while more than 150 million Indonesians work with incomes below that threshold. Subsidies for the people are being slashed, while funds continue to be poured into officials, the military, and repressive apparatuses.
The insensitivity of Indonesian officials has become a catalyst for the anger of the people who have long been living in crisis. At a time when millions are losing their jobs and the prices of basic necessities continue to skyrocket, they instead make irrational statements—such as calling the people stupid for protesting or claiming that members of parliament deserve high salaries because they are not commoners. The people’s anger today is the culmination of deep disillusionment with those in power, not only over economic issues but also over a crisis of political legitimacy, compounded by the arrogance of public officials who view the people as a burden and a mere commodity of votes.
3. What was the state of the anarchist movement in Indonesia just before the riots? To what extent are anarchists specifically involved in these protests versus wider anti-government movements? Are left parties trying to take advantage?
Jungkir: Sejak 2019 kami telah mengalami gelombang pemberontakan yang pasang-surut. Anarkis selalu setia berada di garis depan pemberontakan tersebut dan berpengaruh dalam pengorganisasian di titik penggusuran dan perjuangan atas tanah, gerakan mahasiswa dan pelajar, supporter sepak bola dan skena musik bawah ranah. Ada sangat banyak anarkis yang menyumbang tenaga untuk pertempuran jalanan, propaganda baik di media alternatif maupun budaya populer, tapi merasa sumbangsih pemikiran seperti tulisan dan gagasan masih agak langka. Sebagian besar berkutat pada penerjemahan literatur dari Eropa-Amerika, yang kami rasa sangat Eurosentris.
Meski begitu sebagian besar kami tidak berorganisasi dan berfederasi. Organisasi anarkis nasional pertama baru diinisiasi pada 2023 lalu setelah kami menerjemahkan buku Federasi Anarkis Rio de Janeiro (FARJ), “Anarkisme Sosial dan Organisasi.” Kami telah menjalani pra-kongres pertama dan optimis dengan masa depan kami. Meski begitu, kami menghadapi penentangan sangat keras oleh anarkis anti-organisasional.
Ada front persatuan sosialis, dimana anarkis tidak bergabung. Kami telah mendorong anti-sektarianisme berbasis ideologi dan di lapangan telah terhubung atau menjalin kontak dengan aktivis lain secara informal. Hari ini, gerakan kiri pada umumnya punya kesepakatan dengan ide soal dewan rakyat (people council) dan Konfederalisme Demokratik, kecuali segelintir anarkis yang purisme.
Jungkir: Since 2019, we have experienced recurring waves of uprisings. Anarchists have always been steadfast at the frontlines of these rebellions, playing a significant role in organizing at sites of eviction and land struggles, in the student and youth movement, among football supporters, and within the underground music scene. Many anarchists have contributed their energy to street battles, as well as to propaganda through both alternative media and popular culture. However, contributions in the form of writings and original ideas remain relatively scarce. Most of the work has revolved around translating literature from Europe and America, which we feel is highly Eurocentric.
Even so, most of us are not organized or federated. The first national anarchist organization was only initiated in 2023, after we translated the Rio de Janeiro Anarchist Federation (FARJ) book, Social Anarchism and Organization. We have already held our first pre-congress and are optimistic about our future. Nevertheless, we face strong opposition from anti-organizational anarchists.
There is a socialist united front in which anarchists have not taken part. We have been promoting anti-sectarianism based on ideology, and on the ground we have informally connected and established contact with other activists. Today, the leftist movement in general has reached an agreement around the idea of a people’s council and Democratic Confederalism—except for a small number of purist anarchists.
Kimmy: Kaum anarkis selalu berada di garis depan dalam banyak protes dan pengorganisasian gerakan rakyat. Mulai dari mengorganisir perlawanan di titik-titik penggusuran dan konflik agraria, di gerakan mahasiswa serta pelajar, komunitas suporter sepak bola, hingga skena musik bawah tanah. Tidak sedikit kawan yang memberikan tenaga untuk aksi jalanan dan menyebarkan propaganda melalui media alternatif seperti zine dan publikasi independen, meski tidak banyak, adapula inisiatif penelitian anarkisme secara historis dan antropologi yang cukup berguna dalam mengisi gap pengetahuan tentang anarkisme di Indonesia.
Dalam beberapa tahun terakhir, kecenderungan anti-organisasi semakin kuat dan hal ini memicu meningkatnya aksi-aksi insureksioner di berbagai protes. Kami menghargai keragaman taktik ini, dan tentu dengan senang hati mendukung dan merayakan serangan langsung terhadap institusi kapital maupun negara yang terus menindas. Tetapi kami juga menyadari: negara dan kapital telah terkonsolidasi dengan sangat kuat, sehingga anarkis pun perlu melakukan hal serupa. Itu berarti kita harus membangun koordinasi, konsolidasi, pemetaan, kelas belajar, pertukaran pengetahuan, hingga kerja-kerja yang dianggap membosankan seperti menulis, mengelola media sosial, mencatat pemasukan dan pengeluaran, serta mengurus aspek teknis lainnya.
Hingga kini, anarkis di Indonesia masih jauh dari kata terorganisir, dan akibatnya sangat bergantung pada pihak-pihak lain yang sering kali tidak ramah terhadap kita. Misalnya, bantuan hukum untuk kawan yang berhadapan dengan aparat, paramedis jalanan, safehouse, maupun jaringan dukungan finansial masih lebih banyak disediakan pihak eksternal. Militansi perlu didukung pula oleh jaring pengaman dan logistik, disini lah organisasi menjadi penting. Kami mencoba melakukan triall and error selama May Day 2025, dimana banyak anarkis menjadi pengorganisir protes di banyak wilayah, dan kemudian berhasil menyelamatkan diri dan menghilang dari radar karena dukungan jaringan sosial yang selama ini diupayakan seperti safehouse, dukungan finansial, konseling, dll.
Kimmy: Anarchists have always been at the forefront of many protests and grassroots organizing. From resisting evictions and agrarian conflicts, to involvement in student and youth movements, football supporter communities, and the underground music scene. Many comrades have contributed their energy to street actions and spread propaganda through alternative media such as zines and independent publications. Though fewer in number, there are also initiatives in historical and anthropological research on anarchism, which have been quite valuable in filling the gaps in knowledge about anarchism in Indonesia.
In recent years, anti-organizational tendencies have grown stronger, sparking an increase in insurrectionary actions within various protests. We value this diversity of tactics and, of course, we gladly support and celebrate direct attacks against capitalist and state institutions that continue to oppress. But we also recognize that the state and capital have consolidated themselves with great strength—meaning that anarchists, too, need to do the same. This requires us to build coordination, consolidation, mapping, study groups, knowledge exchange, and also to carry out the kinds of work often considered tedious: writing, managing social media, keeping track of income and expenses, and handling other technical aspects.
Up to now, anarchists in Indonesia remain far from being truly organized, and as a result are highly dependent on other parties who are often not so friendly toward us. For instance, legal aid for comrades facing repression, street medics, safehouses, and financial support networks are still largely provided by external groups. Militancy must also be sustained by safety nets and logistics—and this is where organization becomes crucial. We attempted a trial-and-error approach during May Day 2025, when many anarchists took on the role of organizing protests in multiple regions, and later managed to save themselves and disappear from the radar thanks to the social support networks we had been building, such as safehouses, financial assistance, psychological support, and more.
4. Can you tell us a bit more about your efforts to develp a specifically anarchist organization?
Kimmy: Kami memulainya dari lingkar-lingkar kecil yang kami miliki. Ada yang kenal karena berada di organisasi dan gerakan sosial yang sama, berteman di internet, maupun jaringan anarkis lama. Kami terinspirasi CNT-FAI yang dengan tekun melakukan kerja-kerja membosankan, hal-hal yang selama ini tidak dianggap militan atau sekeren membakar mobil polisi. Kami mengadakan kelas belajar dengan konsisten meski mungkin hanya akan dihadiri 3-5 orang. Kami membangun kedekatan dan menempatkan anarkisme bukan hanya sebagai ideologi, tapi juga cara kami menjalani hidup. Dari lingkar-lingkar kecil ini lah kami makin membesar. Menambah 1 kawan baru, memberikan pengaruh anarkisme di gerakan maupun protes, dengan demikian kami berhasil memiliki pengaruh yang kuat pada beberapa organisasi sosial sekaligus menambah jumlah militan PM sebagai organisasi politik.
Kami terlibat dalam berbagai sektor organisasi sosial, ada yang di serikat buruh, gerakan perempuan, mahasiswa, gerakan queer, gerakan masyarakat adat, petani, bahkan pengorganisasian tahanan! Ini biasa kami sebut sebagai penyisipan sosial, selain berhasil (dan tentu saja sering gagal pula) dalam mempengaruhi organisasi sosial agar lebih egaliter, otonom, dan berdaya tempur, kami juga berhasil menyambungkan sektor-sektor gerakan sosial yang selama ini bergerak sendiri-sendiri, seperti melibatkan queer ke dalam gerakan serikat buruh, dan sebaliknya mendorong gerakan serikat buruh untuk berdiri bersama dalam berbagai perjuangan queer. Meski terdengar seperti menyenangkan, percaya lah ini melelahkan, dan kami tidak sebesar yang mungkin kalian bayangkan. Tapi kami konsisten dan saling mendukung satu sama lain sehingga kami terus bertumbuh meski perlahan
Kimmy: We began from the small circles we already had. Some of us knew each other through the same organizations and social movements, through friendships on the internet, or from older anarchist networks. We were inspired by the CNT-FAI, which diligently carried out the so-called boring tasks—the kinds of things that were not considered “militant” or as cool as burning police cars. We held learning circles consistently, even if only 3–5 people attended. We built bonds and treated anarchism not just as an ideology, but as a way of living our lives. From these small circles, we grew. By adding one new comrade at a time, spreading anarchist influence in movements and protests, we eventually managed to gain significant influence within several social organizations while also expanding the number of militants in Perhimpunan Merdeka (PM) as a political organization.
We are involved in various sectors of social organization—some in labor unions, the women’s movement, student movements, queer organizing, Indigenous struggles, peasant movements, and even prisoner organizing! We usually call this social insertion. Beyond succeeding (and, of course, often failing as well) in influencing social organizations to become more egalitarian, autonomous, and combative, we have also managed to connect different sectors of social movements that had long been operating separately—for example, involving queer activists in labor union struggles, and conversely, pushing unions to stand in solidarity with queer struggles. While this may sound exciting, believe us, it is exhausting, and we are not as big as you might imagine. But we remain consistent and supportive of one another, which allows us to keep growing, even if slowly.
5. How has your organization and other anarchists intervened in the social struggles in the current uprising?
Kimmy: Many of our member are have respected position in students organization, NGO circles, workers union, and LGBTQ movement in their area. Ini menjadikan kami memiliki kesempatan yang lebih besar dalam mendorong perjuangan sosial agar tidak terkooptasi oleh partai politik atau menjadi “moderat”. Banyak pula anggota kami yang menjadi bagian dari inisiatif pendukung logistik protes yang selama ini kerap diabaikan padahal sangat vital, misalnya medis jalanan dan dapur umum. Kami menggalang donasi dalam waktu singkat, mengerahkan tenaga dan mental untuk memasak makanan untuk peserta aksi, belajar teknik-teknik kesehatan dasar agar dapat menjadi tim medis darurat, menghubungkan para “buron” dengan jaringan-jaringan safehouse yang kami miliki, dan banyak lainnya. Banyak dari kami terlibat dalam protes secara langsung, membakar dan menyerang polisi, tapi kami juga berbangga atas konsistensi kami dalam melakukan kerja-kerja membosankan yang selama ini terlewatkan dan terbukti sangat dibutuhkan untuk memperpanjang nafas perjuangan dalam menghadapi represi balik negara.
Kimmy: Many of our members hold respected positions in student organizations, NGO circles, workers’ unions, and LGBTQ movements in their areas. This gives us greater opportunities to push social struggles so they are not co-opted by political parties or reduced to being “moderate.” Many of our members are also part of protest logistics initiatives that are often overlooked but are absolutely vital—such as street medics and community kitchens. We mobilize donations in a short time, dedicate our energy and spirit to cooking meals for demonstrators, learn basic health techniques to serve as emergency medical teams, connect “fugitives” with our safehouse networks, and much more. Many of us are directly involved in protests, burning and attacking the police, but we also take pride in our consistency in carrying out the so-called boring tasks that are often neglected—yet prove essential in keeping the struggle alive in the face of state repression.
6. Have there been any “demands” or messages coming out of the protests? Long term, do you see any potential systemic changes coming as a result of this direct action?
Jungkir: Ada terlalu banyak organisasi, jaringan dan kelompok yang menyusun tuntutan. Bahkan di tiap kota mengajukan tuntutan yang berbeda-beda. Ada dua tuntutan revolusioner, yang pertama dari Perserikatan Sosialis (PS), dan satu lagi ada jaringan longgar, informal, dan terdesentralisasi yang menerbitkan Maklumat Revolusi Federalisme Indonesia 2025 yang merupakan seruan untuk pembubaran negara kesatuan dan sistem DPR lalu menggantikannya dengan Konfederalisme Demokratik dari ribuan dewan rakyat untuk penerapan demokrasi langsung. Kaum liberal progresif menyerukan seruan yang lebih reformis dengan tuntutan 17+8. Dan kaum anarkis insureksioner, individualis dan pasca-kiri fokus menyerang dan terlibat bentrok jalanan untuk menyerukan kehancuran negara dan peradaban tetapi tanpa pusing memikirkan platform atau program. Tidak ada front persatuan, tetapi kami menghindari sektarianisme ideologis yang berlebihan. Meski tidak terdapat isu tunggal, wacana yang secara serempak berpusat pada tiga isu, yaitu kenaikan pajak, kekerasan polisi, dan terutama pembubaran DPR.
Apakah ini akan menghasilkan perubahan sistemik adalah pertanyaan yang sulit untuk dijawab. Kerusuhan di Kota Pati, Jawa Tengah, yang menolak kenaikan pajak dan mundurnya bupati misalnya, hanya menurunkan pajak tapi tidak pejabatnya. Bahkan meski ramai hujatan dan desakan mundur, bupatinya tetap bersikukuh mempertahankan jabatannya dan hanya meminta maaf. Pejabat di Indonesia tidak tahu malu. Hal yang sama tercermin dengan politisi, pejabat kementerian dan kepala negara di aras yang lebih tinggi. Hari ini Influencer liberal telah merumuskan tuntutan 17+8, dengan deadline tuntutan jangka pendek jatuh pada 5 September. Tapi pemerintah tidak banyak memberikan respon kecuali sejumlah tunjangan parlemen dicabut. Padahal, kerusuhan berdarah-darah telah terjadi dan menelan korban. Ini artinya semua petisi, demonstrasi, pembangkangan sipil, dan pertempuran jalanan itu saja tidak cukup. Jelas bahwa satu-satunya yang mengancam negara dan modal adalah pemogokan umum, sayangnya sektor buruh sangat tidak terorganisir. Jadi rakyat hanya akan bisa menyalurkan akumulasi kemarahan mereka melalui kerusuhan dan mungkin terorisme serigala penyendiri. Jika kekacauan ini terus berlangsung, saya merasa bahwa semuanya hanya akan berujung pada perang sipil yang disertai dengan gerakan separatisme, bukan revolusi untuk perubahan sistemik. Atau demoralisasi. Keduanya adalah opsi buruk, tapi kami tidak punya pilihan untuk meningkatkan militansi kami.
Jungkir: There are too many organizations, networks, and groups formulating demands. Even each city has its own unique demands. There are two revolutionary demands: the first from the Perserikatan Sosialis (PS), and the other, a loose, informal, and decentralized network that issued the Declaration of the Indonesian Federalist Revolution 2025, which calls for the dissolution of the unitary state and the DPR system and its replacement with a Democratic Confederalism of thousands of people’s councils for the implementation of direct democracy. Progressive liberals call for a more reformist call, the 17+8 demand. Insurrectionary anarchists, individualists, and post-leftists focus on attacks and street clashes, calling for the destruction of the state and civilization, but without bothering with a platform or program. There is no united front, but we avoid excessive ideological sectarianism. While there’s no single issue, the discourse simultaneously centers on three: tax increases, police violence, and, most importantly, the dissolution of the House of Representatives.
Whether this will lead to systemic change is difficult to answer. The riots in Pati City, Central Java, against tax increases and the resignation of the regent, for example, only resulted in tax cuts, not in the removal of the officials themselves. Even amid widespread criticism and calls for his resignation, the regent remained in office and merely issued an apology. Officials in Indonesia are shameless. The same holds true for politicians, ministers, and even heads of state at higher levels. Today, liberal influencers have formulated the 17+8 demands, with a short-term deadline of September 5. But the government’s only response has been the revocation of certain parliamentary allowances. Yet bloody riots have already occurred and claimed lives. This shows that petitions, demonstrations, civil disobedience, and street clashes alone are insufficient. The only real threat to the state and capital is a general strike, but unfortunately, the labor movement is highly disorganized. Therefore, the people will only be able to channel their accumulated anger through riots or perhaps even lone-wolf terrorism. If this chaos continues, I fear it will lead not to a revolution for systemic change, but to civil war accompanied by separatist movements, or to demoralization. Both are bad options, but we have no choice other than to increase our militancy.
7. Are these protests related to larger systemic questions about the police and the State in Indonesia? Do perspectives on police map on to similar protests in the US and Europe (e.g., protests after Sarah Everard was killed by UK police, Black Lives Matter…), specifically with a focus on racial/ethnic and gender repression?
Jungkir: Tentu saja. Polisi di sini sangat korup, mereka tidak akan membantu orang miskin tapi sangat bersikap baik kepada pejabat dan orang kaya. Propaganda anarkis memainkan peran untuk mengartikulasikan kebencian terhadap polisi, tetapi sebagian besar hal itu merupakan ekspresi organik dari pengalaman akibat perbedaan perlakuan kaya-miskin dan kekerasan polisi. Beberapa kasus kekerasan polisi dan militer mencuat. Pada awal tahun ini, pada bulan Februari, lagu kritik sosial grup musik punk Sukatani yang berjudul “Bayar Bayar Bayar” [Pay Pay Pay] menjadi viral setelah polisi mengintimidasi mereka. Kematian Affan, pekerja transportasi online yang tewas oleh polisi, hanya mengakselerasi pemberontakan yang sangat keras. Kami yakin ratusan pos dan kantor polisi dibakar, dan bentrokan terjadi di banyak tempat. Polisi dan tentara bahkan disiram bensin dan disulut api.
Jungkir: Of course. The police here are very corrupt; they will not help the poor but treat officials and the rich with great kindness. Anarchist propaganda plays a role in articulating hatred toward the police, but most of it is an organic expression of lived experiences stemming from class-based disparities and police violence. Several cases of police and military brutality have surfaced. Earlier this year, in February, the punk band Sukatani’s social critique song “Bayar Bayar Bayar” [Pay Pay Pay] went viral after the police intimidated them. The death of Affan, an online transport worker killed by the police, only accelerated the fierce uprising. We believe hundreds of police posts and stations were burned, and clashes erupted in many places. Police and soldiers were even doused with gasoline and set on fire.
8. Without comprmising your security and the security of others, can you tell us a bit about the organization of the current protests? Is there coordination between sites of struggle in the current uprisings?
Jungkir: Seluruh organisasi masyarakat sipil, NGO dan organisasi politik revolusioner semua melakukan konsolidasi sendiri-sendiri atau dengan sekutunya, tapi tidak ada koordinasi terpusat.
Jungkir: All civil society organizations, NGOs, and revolutionary political organizations are carrying out their own consolidations or doing so with their allies, but there is no centralized coordination.
9. Again, wthout comprmising your security and the security of others, do the protesters have strategies for revolutionary self-defense?
Jungkir: Tidak ada. Persoalan strategi belum banyak dibahas. Ada sejumlah usulan secara sporadis tapi tidak ada konsensus populer. Untuk beberapa waktu ke depan, sepertinya wacana pemberontakan akan dikompromikan oleh influencer liberal yang sangat populer dan berpengaruh. Ada sejumlah perdebatan populer tentang aksi kekerasan vs damai. Tapi kita tidak tahu hal ini akan berujung kemama.
Jungkir: None. The issue of strategy has not been widely discussed. There have been some sporadic proposals, but no popular consensus. For the time being, it seems that the discourse on rebellion will be compromised by liberal influencers who are highly popular and influential. There are several popular debates about violent versus peaceful action, but we do not know where this will lead.
More Communications
Security forces attack UNISBA and UNPAS
(received September 3)
Dear Friends,
Due to the situation in Indonesia over the past week, we would like to inform you about the situation here, particularly in West Java. It began with the random arrest of protesters by the police, the use of expired tear gas by the authorities to disperse protesters, and then attack on the Universitas Islam Bandung (UNISBA) and Universitas Pasundan (UNPAS) by armed forces, which were supposed to be safe places for the injured and paramedics.
For more information, please check our press release below:
- September 1, 2025: State Violence Emergency: Stop Repression against Protesters in West Java
- September 2, 2025 : Obstruction of Legal Assistance for Protesters at West Java Regional Police Headquarters and Attacks on UNPAS & UNISBA Campuses in Bandung
Sincerely,
Bandung Legal Aid Institute
Call for International Solidarity
(received September 3)
Since the 25th until today, the resistance against authorities in Indonesia has been escalating. This is not something that happened suddenly, but rather an explosion from within each individual who feels alienated and deprived—both of their rights and the surrounding nature—over the course of many years. Many people have not only witnessed but have also directly experienced this deprivation.
This anger has grown even more as people witness the chaos, especially seeing the widespread resistance in various cities across Indonesia over the past few days. The anger intensified further after the confirmation that 10 people had lost their lives.
The government has attempted to suppress this anger through various means, such as deploying the military and paramilitary forces, kidnapping activists, and conducting cyber operations to control the situation. All of these actions represent repressive measures against the ongoing resistance.
Therefore, this call for international solidarity aims to spread the spirit of resistance from Indonesia to the outside world, so that everyone understands that this resistance is not limited to Indonesia but has spread far and wide, like a rhizome. Every form of support, no matter how small, is incredibly meaningful to us here.
Long Live Anarchy!
Abolish Parliament! Update on the Wave of Rebellion in Indonesia
This wave of rebellion, starting in late August 2025, was caused by the accumulation of anger over various political and economic issues. There was no single issue. Everything escalated with a massive increase in house taxes across the region, due to the government’s budget deficit. At the same time, members of parliament received a tenfold increase in wages. This was exacerbated by officials’ often arbitrary statements. For example, the Regent of Pati said that taxes would not be reduced, even if a mass demonstration of 50,000 people took place. Pati was the first city to explode with a turnout of around 100,000 people on August 10, 2025. Protests against the tax increase spread to Bone, then to other cities. During a demonstration in Jakarta, an online transportation worker was killed after being run over by a police vehicle. The following day, demonstrations spread to many cities, and they continue to this day as we publish the update. At least ten civilians were killed, several officials’ homes were looted, and half a dozen House of Representative offices were partially burned or burned to the ground. We were confident this rebellion would subside, but the public’s anger did not.
There are too many organizations, networks, and groups formulating demands. Even each city has its own unique demands. There are two revolutionary demands: the first from the Perserikatan Sosialis (PS), and the other, a loose, informal, and decentralized network that issued the Declaration of the Indonesian Federalist Revolution 2025, which calls for the dissolution of the unitary state and the DPR system and its replacement with a Democratic Confederalism of thousands of people’s councils for the implementation of direct democracy. Progressive liberals call for a more reformist call, the 17+8 demand. Insurrectionary anarchists, individualists, and post-leftists focus on attacks and street clashes, calling for the destruction of the state and civilization, but without bothering with a platform or program. There is no united front, but we avoid excessive ideological sectarianism.
While there’s no single issue, the discourse simultaneously centers on three: tax increases, police violence, and, most importantly, the dissolution of the House of Representatives. Perhimpunan Merdeka hasn’t yet taken a position, but it’s participating in every demonstration in its respective cities and using it to expand its network. We are calling for the global people’s movements solidarity to support our struggle in Indonesia through a variety of tactics and methods.
Long live the revolution!
Perhimpunan Merdeka
An update on the anti-anarchist repression or the “black scare”
(Received September 15)
A silent police operation against the anarchist network is underway
Just got an update from Bandung city, West Java, Indonesia. Around 40 anarchists suspects have already been arrested. Almost all of them are part of [an] anarchist network. The police are trying to find out who is handling the funding and the social media admins7 connected to network. They will arrest people known to be linked with those social media admins. The West Java Regional Police sweep is not limited to that area. They have already carried out sweeps outside their juridiction as well. Some have already been arrested in Makassar, eastern Indonesia and East Java too.
Almost all LBH (Legal Aid Institute) offices under National Legal Aid Foundation (YLBHI) are not being given access [to accused] to provide legal assistance. The police will appoint special legal counsel which [are] relate[d] to [the] police.
Incite, Arm, War! Communique from F.A.A.F. anarcho-nihilist cell
(Undated, published by Warzone Distro on September 9)
A few days after organic actions erupted by furious individuals in Indonesia, the state immediately panicked. An extraordinary focus was placed on containing them. The rulers’ anxiety became exposed when wild voices and actions tore at their stability. The comrades’ incitement was not mere words; it was nourishment feeding the embers, igniting the fire of rebellion in the chest of every individual who refuses to bow.
Meanwhile, the leftists—even those who claim to be anarchists—busy themselves with disgusting strategies. They imagine they can dictate the direction of human rage toward a new order after the state collapses. In reality, the state does not simply crumble. It endures through a combination of intelligence, the moralization of action, and pathetic petitions that shake nothing.
In contrast, the FAAF8 (bunch of crazy people) chose another path: inciting, provoking, and arming furious individuals so that rebellion may reach its peak. This is what is honest: pushing individuals to act, not arguing over ethics and the counting of bodies. Revolution never falls from the sky; it is always born from spilled blood. Those who deny this fact merely nurture the illusion of a revolution without sacrifice.
We do not believe in the state’s concept of justice. Justice is nothing more than a tool to keep authority alive. Through human rights, the state pretends to grant us freedoms—when in truth those rights are born from our very existence as humans, not from the hands of rulers. The greatest irony is when those who call themselves anarchists beg the state to uphold justice. Is that not the most naked form of obedience? Is it not simply a subtle way of still pleading with authority?
To free life from the shell called the state means recognizing: the state never has, and never will, realize our aspirations. It only provides anesthesia in the form of jobs, duties, and soothing routines, while at the same time stripping away our autonomy.
Therefore, there is no option left but to attack. Attack is the truest form of solidarity—far clearer than the lofty theories of drunk youths shouting “revolution” without ever touching the reality of struggle. No entity has the right to control or grant us rights. Every individual holds their own path, their own way of life, their own choices.
We are sick of the “red-plate anarchists” who busy themselves dressing power in new faces. They speak of humanity, equality, and revolution, yet in the end it remains power, merely polished to appear gentle. We do not believe in that. If the state collapses, let every individual carve their own way—rather than be forced into a new order just as rotten as the old.
Our choice is clear: incite, arm, and attack. For only in attack can true freedom be asserted.
Call to Arms: Insurrectionary Solidarity with Indonesia
(Undated, published by Warzone Distro on September 9)
Communique from FAI Indonesia:
Since the 25th, the flames of rebellion have scorched the oppressive forces in Indonesia, igniting a fierce uprising against a regime that thrives on violence and subjugation. This is no fleeting moment; it is a throbbing heartbeat of resistance from those long denied their rights. The loss of ten lives in this struggle only deepens our resolve to confront the state and its henchmen.
As the government unleashes military brutality, kidnaps activists, and engages in sinister cyber warfare, we are reminded: “Insurrection is the most logical weapon of the masses.” It is time to act- our fury must unite as a force beyond borders!
Comrades across the globe, rise! Attack Indonesian interests wherever they are found. Disrupt the machinery of oppression with every act of defiance.
Join the clash, amplify the voices of the oppressed, and make it clear: our resistance knows no bounds.
Together, we can dismantle the techno-industrial civilisation!
Federasi Informal Anarkis
Solidarity Statement of the Persaudaraan Pekerja Anarko Sindikalis (PPAS) on the People’s Resistance August–September 2025
This solidarity statement we dedicate to those murdered by the State: Affan Kurniawan, Andika Lutfi Falah, Iko Juliant Junior, Muhammad Akbar Basri, Rheza Sendy Pratama, Rusdamdiansyah, Saiful Akbar, Sarina Wati, Septinus Sesa, and Sumari. Eternal as names, never reduced to mere numbers.
The illusion of people’s representation through parliament has collapsed. The DPR, with its reckless hands, endlessly forges policies that crush the people while deepening the abyss of social inequality. As more and more of us are condemned to live under suffering and exploitation by State-capitalism, the DPR reveals its true character as parasites — leeching off the sweat of the people, paying themselves obscene salaries with our taxes, sums unimaginable to the vast majority.
The police, too, have unmasked themselves as nothing more than the guard dogs of the ruling elites and the State, answering the people’s righteous anger with sheer brutality. The murder of online motorbike driver Affan Kurniawan on August 28, 2025 — a spark thrown onto the tinderbox of fury long ignited by the State — was met not with justice, but with batons, fists, tear gas, and live bullets, leaving bodies dead and broken within days.
The deployment of police and military, armed with their arsenal of weapons and the violence that comes with them, further entrenches State fascist repression. At the same time, the State seeks to monopolize “truth” — crushing press freedom, restricting social media that spreads news of the people’s anger and the rot of the State and its elites. This repression is followed by arbitrary arrests of activists branded as provocateurs of the people’s rage, the detention of hundreds of demonstrators, and the disappearance of dozens whose whereabouts remain unknown.
Through this statement, PPAS spits condemnation upon every instrument of State repression. We grieve, we rage, and we honor all those killed by the State during the uprisings of August 25 – September 3, 2025. We stand unflinching in solidarity with the victims of arbitrary arrest and with those still missing.
Therefore, PPAS raises the call for justice for all the people, demanding:
- Strip the Parliament of its false mandate of representation;
- End the forced arrests of activists and demonstrators;
- Free those already imprisoned;
- Return our comrades who are still missing;
- Defund and disarm the police and military;
- Smash State fascism in all its forms of repression.
May justice return to those who are owed. Demand the impossible! For in the end, only two roads remain: the road to the victory of the oppressed and exploited under State-capitalism — or the road to the triumph of the fascists.
We Are All Puppeteers: 42 People from Anti-Authoritarian Networks Named as Suspects After Demonstrations #bubarkanDPR (abolish parliament)
From August 25 to September 5, Indonesia was a sea of fire. A wave of simultaneous demonstrations ended in street battles, the burning of government buildings and police stations, and the looting of politicians’ homes. A total of 3,195 people were detained in various locations during this period. This does not include subsequent arrests.
As part of post-demonstration operations, the police investigated and arrested activists, administrators of social movement social media accounts, and influencers. They got enough spotlight, plus the support they deserve. But at the same time—at the grassroots level—dozens or perhaps hundreds of people were arrested, beaten, cut off from communication with their families, and denied legal assistance from the Lembaga Bantuan Hukum — LBH (Legal Aid Institute). Some of them were reported by local media, but most remained silent: they suddenly disappeared and the entire movement immediately went “underground,” and was overcome with paranoia.
Our fears are well-founded. We know that the state can be the perpetuator of human rights violations and terrorism. We have collective memories of 1965 killings, disappearances of activists in 1998, the Killing of the Human Rights activist, Munir, of everything bad that happens to people who dare to fight. Who would dare to deny that the same thing will not happen again today?
Finally, on Tuesday, September 16, 2025, the West Java Regional Police held a press conference announcing 42 suspects involved in acts of vandalism in Bandung. However, they were all the result of a nationwide investigation and arrests carried out as far as Jombang and Makassar. They were accused of being anarchists.
During the press conference, the West Java Regional Police revealed that anarchist groups were involved in acts of vandalism, incitement to violence, distribution of materials on how to assemble Molotov cocktails, and fundraising/management of funds from international anarchist organizations amounting to 1 billion Indonesian rupiah (60,795 USD).
We are not denying these accusations. We are simply highlighting how the government is trying to convince the public that the wave of mass unrest is not entirely due to popular anger. The government always thinks in a puppeteer-centric logic: believing that everything is centrally mobilized by a handful of intellectual actors. Some think this is orchestrated by the political opposition, which is impossible considering Prabowo’s solid coalition that embraces the entirety of the predatory elites. Some accuse this of being orchestrated by foreign minions financed from abroad. Some conspire about military intelligence work. Or, 42 anarchists orchestrated the riots.
Let’s say that the accusations about anarchists are true. Even so, the government is still looking for a scapegoat while underestimating the public’s reasoning. They think that if thousands of Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) members, thousands of anarchists, or foreign agents, or the opposition are arrested, then millions of other Indonesians, such as Ojol (motorcycle taxi drivers), students, university students, and housewives, will not carry sticks, throw stones, and prepare glass bottles filled with gasoline? Our government is not stupid. They deliberately deny it and say, “everything is fine.” They are afraid to admit that the people, that is, all of us, are the puppeteers.
We are all puppeteers. This insurrection is the most magnificent political performance we have ever staged. Our story is a script that has yet to be written. Our dialogue begins with the words, “Cukup!” (Enough!), and ends with “Merdeka 100%” (100% Independence). Our role is to be protagonists in our own liberation.
In a short time, the insurrection will subside, the fire will die out, and the smoke will be blown away by the wind. The buildings of the parliaments (DPR) will be rebuilt even stronger, the post-insurrection military budget will skyrocket, but the forests of Indigenous peoples will continue to be cleared, workers will still enjoy low wages, and the one percent—the ruling class—will continue to benefit from this exploitative system.
Let us organize again, join labor unions, organize community forums, and student alliances. Let us read and discuss, hold educational classes, recruitment, and regeneration (kaderisasi). Show that prisons do not scare us.
The Serikat Tahanan (Prisoners’ Union) is a collective of anti-authoritarian prisoners. We organize primarily inside, but also outside prisons throughout Indonesia, to reach out to fellow anti-authoritarian activists who have been imprisoned and to educate the public about prison conditions in Indonesia. This initiative, driven by prisoners, began as a simple act of solidarity among us—to nurture hope—so that we do not feel marginalized or leave prison as people are more broken than before. By organizing, we are constantly reminded of why we began our struggle. Reach out to us for more information <sociabuzz.com/serikattahanan>.
What to do?
Protest your local Indonesian embassies and consulates and raise the awareness and solidarity with the people of Indonesia and the ongoing “black scare.”
Donate to the Serikat Tahanan (prisoner’s union) doing prisoner support.9
Print zines on Indonesia and about Indonesia from The Anarchist Library and the Southeast Asian Anarchist Library.
Most of all: Interlink our struggles! Connect struggles between Indonesia, Nepal, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Timor Leste, Thailand, the Philippines, and all!
- The pamphlet Neo-Orba: The Rise of Civil-Military Dictatorship in Indonesia: An Anarchist Analysis provides more details. ↩︎
- See: “Organising Anarchists amidst Authoritarian Consolidation in Indonesia: An interview with Perhimpunan Merdeka.” ↩︎
- See: “‘Sudah Krisis, Saatnya Membakar’: A Chronicle of the Anarchist Prisoners in Tangerang.” ↩︎
- See: “Presiden Prabowo Perintahkan TNI-Polri Tindak Tegas Aksi Massa Anarkis” (President Prabowo Orders TNI-Polri [army and police] to Take Firm Action against Anarchist Mass Actions). ↩︎
- Update: Due to repression, donations have been closed until further notice. ↩︎
- Editor’s note: To be sure, many Southeast Asian regimes have cloud-seeding technologies, and it is not unprecedented that weather-modification technologies have been used for warfare. Whether this includes class war remains inconclusive, but it is hardly beyond the pale. Indeed, similar accounts can be heard of in the Philippines. This report from 2022 explains the ability of the Indonesian government to use cloud seeding for peaceful purposes: “Mengenal Teknologi Modifikasi Cuaca, Berawal untuk Pertanian Kini Berperan dalam Mitigasi Bencana” (Getting to Know Weather Modification Technology, Starting from Agriculture, Now Plays a Role in Disaster Mitigation). ↩︎
- Editor’s note: Administrators for anarchist social media accounts. ↩︎
- Editor’s note: What F.A.A.F. stands for was not disclosed. ↩︎
- Update: Due to repression, donations have been closed until further notice. ↩︎